However, the reception of this type of approaches in the German-speaking countries almost never takes into account the theoretical and artistic approaches resulting from the local stories of the migrations and minorisations. Instead of that, this reception refers almost exclusively to the Anglo-American approaches. Conversely, the migrants and the members of the minorities appear in this corpus of texts firstly like dumb and impotent figures. It is the case, for example, of the influential text of Homi Bhabha entitled Dissemi-Nation (Bhabba 1997,186f.) where, while following John Berger, an immigrant worker of Turkish origin to Germany is described like an automat of dumb work and “a presence without word”. An image of impotence subordinate is thus generated, image which, in a general way, characterizes not only perception that one has of the migrants and the minorities, but also that of all their words. Another prejudice on the development of the post-colonial theory is that which affirms that it is only not very depending with regard to the German context, since finally there would have been only relatively little German colonies and that the policy National-Socialist of subjugation would not be comparable with the question of the true colonial domination (Bronffen/Marius 1997,8). The only possibility being able to be adopted would be then to examine “the effects of the massive migrations of the people and the total circulation of signs, goods and information” (ibid). What one wants to say by-there, does not consist in putting forward the paradoxical situation which makes that the signs, goods and people can circulate in a relatively free way of North towards the South, but not inevitably in the other direction. Not more than the expression “the effects of the massive migrations” does not indicate the continuous neo-colonial reproduction of the inequalities within the Western companies in the form of a permanent unequal treatment of the migrants and minorities. What one actually means by these effects they are banalities such as situations of the type “it is possible for me to go in a box to Zurich as a German of the south and to hear a colored person speak Swiss German with his friends” (p. 6f.). This type of experiment as of others lead the authors to describe the post-colonial reports/ratios of capacity as a kind of disco music in which “fusion cooking” is put beside “culture DJ”. That would make obvious “the productivity of the differences internal”. (p. 3)

However, one of the first artistic testimonys of the presence of African in Germany states already that the cultural reports/ratios were not at all harmonious. A table Albert Dürer in which one sees an African in Augsburg (1508) represents obviously the slave of a commercial company based at this place. Even to the beginning of the phase of colonization of Africa and Asia, of the German commercial companies such as Tuchers gave the most important financial contribution with the constraint, the exploitation and the extermination partial of the populations of these places. The African had thus not come to Augsburg by a stroke of luck, but rather following the globalisation of the international business of slaves which extended at that time on several continents. In this business also, German commercial houses were implied in an active way. The first asiento, a kind of licence granted for the acquisition of slaves, had been obtained by German Eynger and Sayler in 1528 (Kloes 1985, p. 84). If one wanted consequently to deny the important German contribution to the history of colonization, it would be necessary to be unaware of these economic links and policies completely.

Today still, it is only one less proportion of the migratory movements which is carried out on the basis of voluntary motivation, and these movements take place within the framework of the increased globalisation of the worldwide markets. Under the terms of this, authors such as ha (ha 2002) put forward the slopes of political power and economic which structure the post-colonial situation, as well as continuities in the economic function of the immigrants and minorities as “plugs of the business cycle”, reserves industrial and hard-working subordinates.

“Even if there is important differences enters, hard-working peddlers and immigrant workers, and that such differences could not in no case to be neglected or treated in a uniform way, it is worth the sorrow to seek their lines of connection. That makes possible to highlight the differences as well as the similarities, allowing blow, to make statements on structures producing of the durable effects and on speeches and practices through the times (…) When one examines closely the bases of the post-colonial migrations in the German Federal republic, we recognize at once a good number of historical, discursive and functional parallelisms between the supposedly hard-working peddlers, foreigners and immigrants, who announce well the continuity of the practices colonialists and racists in Germany” (ibid). Those which “keep silence around the colonial presences”, according to ha, should not even start to speak about the phenomena such as “hybridity” or post-colonialism.

Post-colonialism, according to ha, “is not initially a chronological term marking the period having followed the formal access to the independence of the countries with respect to the Western colonial capacities, but rather a politically justified category which is used to analyze historical aspects, political, discursive and cultural of the not yet closed colonial speeches” (ha 1999). According to this reading, the post-coloniality includes/understands “a political site of positioning there. This site is woven in the memory and the legate of the colonial past like in its formations and current modes of action. ” (Gutierrez Rodriguez 2000). The differences between the many post-colonial “economic situations” must then be investiguées by the means of specific local analyses. These investigations make also possible the development of tools analytical which take into account the historical and political backgrounds local of the phenomena of ethnicisation, of genrification (“gendering”), as well as positioning of the classes specific to the globalisation. Here, the analysis of criticisms post-colonial, feminist and antiracists imply to pay attention to the geographical and political context in which it is formed and by which it is formed.

This applies especially to a critical consideration of these artistic and theoretical languages of form which, within the framework of post-colonial criticism, were quoted on several occasions like privileged vehicle, namely, the so-called hybrid and mixed forms (Erel 1999). As Umut Erel the met forward, the possibilities of the speech of hybridity are not only prone to analytical and strategic limitations. Inside the framework of a total capitalism, dominated by the occident and nourished local differences, also emergent of the hierarchies of the various mixtures and cultural kinds. The effects of these hierarchies consist initially in the fact that the Anglo-American forms of hybridity have a privilege on the others. Those are indeed interpreted like the universal ones and the only valid prototypes of the cultural mixture. In conjunction with the conditions of use of total culture industry, they are objectified, made exotic, sexualized, and of the blow, are dépolitisées. Within this hierarchisation of the mixed cultural forms, prevails a classification which privileges the products of the nations economically and militarily dominant, such as England and the USA. This classification rejects the cultural productions of the South as being antiquated, late and lower. Consequently, these hierarchies resulting from the international distribution of work are translated directly in hierarchies culturo-racists in the aesthetic field. The various languages of form must thus be initially recontextualized in order to interpret these reductionistic readings like effects of the discursive reports/ratios capacity in the context of the total and capital intensive modes of use.

Have regard of this, the analysis of various artistic and theoretical languages of form in post-colonial “economic situations” pareillement varied shows the total interdependence (Shoat, Stam 2000,28) of the various shapes of articulation all around the world. In contrast with a science of the culture unilaterally directed towards the cultural production of North, Ella Shohat and Robert Stam argue in favour of an analysis of the effects of the total inequality on the cultural and theoretic articulations in the whole world, directed towards the theory of the system-world (Wallerstein 1974,1980). In opposition with the contractings eurocentric, they privilege an investigation of “multitemporelles heterogeneities” or in other words, the analysis of simultaneous and superimposed espatio-temporalities the ones with the others having an influence on the production of the social texts. This approach is based on the assumption that structural over-development and the underdevelopment not only are influenced in a reciprocal way in the sector of the economy, but also affect the artistic articulations.

This becomes particularly obvious when for example, instead of limiting to investiguer the post-colonial contexts North-Westerners, one puts the latter in connection with the feminist articulations in the whole world. Thus, the post-colonial contexts in Eastern Europe differ not only in their formal articulations, but also in multiple logics of domination expressed in them in relation to colonialism, patriarchal nationalism, the militarization and the neocolonialism.

For this reason, which must be taken into account in the categorization of the various productions theoretical and cultural within the various post-colonial contexts they are the specific local conditions of their production. The cultural mixtures post-colonial of North are also tangled up in the modes of production of total capitalism and reproduce consequently, the existing slopes of the capacity in the context of the international distribution of work. The social inequality is coded like cultural difference or even like deficiency, and of the blow, it is made invisible. This constant reproduction of a culturalized inequality form the law of the “unequal development” of total capitalism. Eurocentric hierarchisations of the varied post-colonial contexts thus reproduce the mechanisms culturo-racists of the exclusion, which for their part constitute a fundamental element structural of the total capital intensive forms of use and/or exploitation.

In reference to the contextualisation of the variety of post-colonial articulations within the framework of their total interdependence, the question - paraphrased of an expression of Gayatri Spivak- must be raised: “Does What leave off coding has produced this text? ” (Spivak 1990,19). The interest of Spivak is centered around the specific relations of capacity which make it possible an individual to be described and to be explained oneself inside a certain logic. (Gutierrez Rodriguez 2001).

With regard to the transfer of the post-colonial approaches to the German context, we must in this not only feel to ask with Spivak: “Edge the subaltern speak? ” or even, “Edge the subaltern speak German? ” The question should also be: Goal yew He gold she has been talking one for centuries - why didn' T anybody listen?

Translated by Francisco Padilla

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